No indications were found that Dutch support for rebel groups in Syria between 2015 and 2018 ended up with jihadists or terrorists, but it also cannot be ruled out. This was written by the committee chaired by retired Major General Patrick Cammaert, who investigated the so-called NLA program. However, “major risks” were taken with the aid programme.
‘We interviewed 120 people, searched for documents and went through thousands of emails and memos. These were mostly interviews with commanders of armed groups we spoke to both online and in person. This strengthened our view that there was no indication,’ says Cammaert.
“That doesn’t mean that incidentally there hasn’t been cooperation between a group and a group and a jihadist or terrorist group,” he says. “But this too is inevitable in a conflict like the Syrian one. Nobody has clean hands there (…) Sometimes it’s necessary, but then you can’t say that the whole organization is terrorist.’
Employee
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was often satisfied with the promises of supported groups that they would observe the laws of war and not violate human rights. For intelligence on these groups in Syria, the government depended almost entirely on allies and organizations that provided support.
According to Foreign Minister Wopke Hoekstra, there was a broad desire in politics and society at the time to do something about Syria, the scene of a bloody civil war. The government shared that desire, but much was unclear at the time. ‘In this unruly environment you sometimes have to make difficult decisions based on incomplete information. This is not without risk.”
Criteria
The cabinet said it would support “moderate” rebels. But the criteria developed by the Foreign Ministry were not very realistic, the report said. According to the committee, no group would have been eligible for support if the criteria had been rigorously applied. The ministry had “only a limited view” of the supported groups fighting against the government army, but sometimes also against each other.
The Committee also ruled that the aid ‘under applicable international law is contrary to the principle of non-intervention’. The aid was not based on a UN resolution, nor was there an invitation from the Syrian government. Some parts of the aid would also exceed the lower limit of the ban on small-scale violence.
parliamentary control
The House of Representatives has only been actively briefed on the operation to a “very limited extent,” the researchers conclude. The information received by the Chamber was “abstract and generic”. The risks have not been materialized and “were sometimes deliberately kept small,” says Cammaert. The committee also says that the disclosure of information as a state secret has not been properly regulated and “therefore represents a threat to parliamentary scrutiny”.
The case came to light through reports by Trouw and Nieuwsuur. Court documents showed that support also went to groups described by the Attorney General’s Office (OM) as a “criminal organization with terrorist intent”. The Committee has not specifically examined this grouping.
Moderate rebel groups
In its own words, the cabinet supported 22 so-called moderate rebel groups in Syria during those years. The names of these groups remain secret. According to Cammaert, it’s not clear how many groups were supported. There could be 19, but also 25. More than 27 million euros have been allocated for aid. It wasn’t weapons, but things like pickup trucks, communications equipment, tents, and night vision goggles.
The inquiry was prompted last year by the House of Representatives. The caretaker’s locker at the time saw nothing in it. According to Prime Minister Mark Rutte, at the moment it would not provide any news and could lead to tensions with allies. At the time, the government admitted that all had not gone smoothly with the programme, which had been passed with broad support from the House. With the programme, the cabinet hoped to avoid marginalization of the moderate opposition.
Source: BNR

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