In normal times, domestic political battles over foreign policy move more or less along the conventional divide between left and right. These are not normal times.

The right is largely united on the need to support Israel in its war with Hamas, but is increasingly divided over supporting Ukraine in its war with Russia. The left is largely united on the need to help Ukraine, but is more divided on siding with Israel.

It is not perfectly symmetrical. Democrats are more united on Israel, thanks in part to President Biden’s unequivocal support. But it’s early. After all, the history of the Democratic Party opposing campus radicals and the anti-war left is not a story of heroic solutions. And just because the response on campuses to a terrorist pogrom was to immediately express support for the Palestinians does not mean that the left wing will adopt a more nuanced position.

Meanwhile, skepticism about support for Israel is already growing, even as the Republican Party unifies its support for Israel to the point where even many America firsts have given up all consistency in foreign policy to show solidarity with Israel on the fringes, especially on the social media.

In some swampier neighborhoods, outright anti-Semitism is coming to light. And

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Donald Trump, who has long boasted that he has done more for Israel than anyone since Moses, is suddenly celebrating how smart Hezbollah is and denouncing Israel

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Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (which doesn’t mean he doesn’t deserve criticism, although not from Trump).

Given the hotbed of presidential elections, it doesn’t seem far-fetched to imagine support for Israel melting away among the new right and anti-Zionist left as Biden comes to identify more with support for Israel.

In short, within the waters of domestic politics it is a war on two fronts. What I think a lot of people miss is that it is a two-front war even outside the waterfront.

There has been an intense and bizarre debate about Iran’s complicity in the Hamas attack. Iran has supported Hamas for decades. Whether officially ordered or approved, the invasion in advance can hardly erase its guilt. If you keep murderers who promise to kill Israelis on a retainer, it is hardly an outrageous smear to say that you bear any responsibility if they do so.

The more important question is Russia’s involvement. Russia’s disastrous war against Ukraine has brought the country ever closer to Iran, which supplies the country with drones and other weapons. Both heavily sanctioned pariah states depend on oil revenues to stay afloat. Global instability keeps the petrodollars flowing. There is no evidence that Russia

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the attack, but it is clear that Putin is benefiting from a war in the Middle East that diverts Western attention and resources.

Why give him the victory he wants?

Ukraine, which has expressed its support for Israel, clearly sees what is at stake. President Volodymyr Zelensky even wants to visit Israel as a show of solidarity.

Opponents of aid to Ukraine reject any legislative and strategic link

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or morally between Israel and Ukraine. Forty-eight hours after the Hamas attack, Senator Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) said persisted: Israel faces an existential threat. All funding for Ukraine must be immediately redirected to Israel. The populist Heritage Foundation stated: Lawmakers should oppose efforts to link emergency military assistance to Israel with additional funding for Ukraine. These conflicts are separate and distinct.

Not really.

Viewing both conflicts through a partisan lens only demonstrates how domestic partisanship can blind you to the bigger picture. These are two fronts that are broadly fighting the same battle. Both Israel and Ukraine are flawed but decent democracies that face enemies trying to erase them from the map. Israel may be more of one

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historical ally than Ukraine, but their enemies are allies with shared interests.

Putting aside all other obvious moral and strategic considerations, America simply has a vital interest in maintaining its credibility to fulfill its obligations not only to Ukraine and Israel, but also to our broader coalition of allies.

After September 11, NATO supported us. Now NATO needs us to help deal with the threat on its doorstep. And we may need NATO if Iran chooses to join the fight in Israel. God knows China is watching to see if we succumb.

None of this requires U.S. ground troops to deploy in Israel or Ukraine. Both countries are ready to fight and die. What they want is help in what amounts to the same war on two fronts.

@JonaDispatch